READ THIS ARTICLE (linked here):
Lavender linguistics
is a term used by linguistics and advanced by William Leap to describe the
study of language as it is used by gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, and
queer (LGBTQ) speakers. It "encompass[es] a wide range of everyday
language practices" in LGBTQ communities. "Language",
in this context, may refer to any aspect
of spoken or written linguistic practices, including speech patterns and
pronunciation, use of certain vocabulary, and, in a few cases, an elaborate
alternative lexicon.
- Theories about the reasons for differences in language use
Traditionally it was believed that one's way of speaking is
a result of one's identity, but it is also the case that the way we talk is a
part of identity formation,
specifically suggesting that gender identity is variable and not fixed.
- Language use as performance
Shared ways of speaking can be used to create a single,
cohesive identity that in turn help organize political struggle. Sexuality is
one form of social identity, discursively constructed and represented. This
shared identity can in some cases be strengthened through shared forms of
language use and used for political organizing. Language can be used to
negotiate relations and contradictions of gender and sexual identities, and can
index identity in various ways, even if there is no specific gay or lesbian
code of speaking.
Gay men and lesbians may, through the use of language, form speech communities. A speech community
is a community that shares linguistic traits and tends to have community
boundaries that coincide with social units. Membership
in speech communities is often assumed based on stereotypes about the community
as defined by non-linguistic factors. Speakers may resist culturally
dominant language and oppose cultural authority by maintaining their own
varieties of speech.
Gender performativity relates to speech in that people may
consciously or unconsciously modify their speech styles to conform with their
gender role, which men often pick speech styles that reflect the culturally
defined standards of masculinity. Gay men may be associated with 'femininity'
in their speech styles because others perceive that their speech performance
doesn't conform with their gender.
For example, in the west, parodies of gay styles are heard
as hyper-feminine, supporting the notion that gay speech is feminine. However,
because many speech varieties associated with 'masculinity' are learned and not
biological, certain gay men may be using a wider variety of speech than a
stereotypical 'masculine' male.
According to Judith Butler in Gender Trouble, these stylistic innovations are made possible by
the ‘iterability’ of speech and are used to index elements of identity that
often do not conform with the gender binary. Conversely, lesbian women already
have a wider variety of speech available yet refrain from using a distinctive
style of speech. Masculinity, and speech associated with a heterosexual male,
is constrained by cultural expectations for men to avoid 'abjection' (as
further elaborated in Gender Trouble); power differences amongst the genders
may lead to speakers adopting different speech styles that conform with their
identities, or expected gender performances (e.g. adolescent males often use
the term 'fag' to police one another, which challenges their sexual orientation
through gender performance, and reinforces the avoidance of the 'abject' or
femininity). 'Masculine' speech is associated with non-feminine sounding speech
and because some gay men may not wish to identify with straight masculine
speech in some contexts, they may access other speech styles to convey their
identity (because the possibilities have two options, 'masculine' or
'feminine,' to be not-'masculine' is often associated with 'feminine'). The
boundary between 'masculine' and 'feminine' is maintained by cultural norms and
societal orders, that do not permit masculinity to include femininity.
In a particular example of how this process of language
community formation happens in a specific LGBTQ community, transsexuals and
transvestites may use vocabulary that includes members and excludes non-members
to establish social identity and solidarity and to exclude outsiders. As these
social groups are particularly likely to be viewed negatively by outsiders, the
use of a private language can serve
to keep membership in the group a secret to outsiders while allowing group members
to recognize their own.
Some members of a community may use stylistic and pragmatic
devices to index and exaggerate orientations and identities, but others may
deliberately avoid stereotypical speech. Gender is frequently indexed
indirectly, through traits that are associated with certain gender identities.
In this way, for example, speaking forcefully is associated with masculinity
but also with confidence and authority. Similarly, LGBTQ speech has a
relationship with the speaker's community
of practice. Speakers may have a shared interest, and respond to a mutual
situation, and through communicating regularly they may develop certain speech
norms. The innovative speech norms, that LGBTQ folks may use within their
communities of practice, can be spread through institutions like schools where
person of many classes, races, and genders, come together. These particular
speech traits may be spread through the adoption of use by people with association
to LGBTQ identities. (certainly this is true for the drag speech on Drag Race)
- Goals of distinctive language
use among gay men
People often are members of multiple communities, and which
community they want to be most closely associated with may vary. For some gay
men, the primary self-categorization is their identity as gay men. To achieve
recognition as such, gay men may recognize and imitate forms of language that
reflect the social identity of gay men, or which are stereotypically considered
to be characteristic to gay men. For example, the use of female pronouns dissociates gay men from heterosexual
norms and designates them in opposition to heterosexual masculinity. The reason
for using female pronouns and the frequency of use may vary, however. For
example, they may be used only in jest, or may be used more seriously to
stabilize a group of gay men and bond its members together.
- Goals of distinctive
language use among lesbians and heterosexual women
The development of
gay identity may differ for men and women. For many women, regardless of
orientation, female identity is more important than sexual identity. Where gay
men need to distance themselves from heterosexual masculinity, due to the
strict enforcement of male roles in Western society, lesbians may be more concerned about sexism than about lesbian
identity. (this may also be due to the ‘intersectionality’ of lesbian
identity, since they are already marked as women).
Most studies of lesbian speech patterns focus on
conversational patterns, as in Coates and Jordan (1997) and Morrish and Saunton
(2007). Women draw on a variety of
discourses, particularly feminist discourses, to establish themselves as not
submissive to heteropatriarchy by using cooperative all-female talk, which is
marked by less distinct turns and a more collaborative conversational
environment. Often the conversational bond between women overrides their
sexual identities. However, the content of lesbian discourse can separate those
who use it from heteronormativity and the values of dominant cultures. Discourse involves resisting dominant
gender norms through more subtle creation of solidarity, and not necessarily
resisting “gender-typical” linguistic behavior.
An example of a distinctive way of speaking for a female
community is that of female bikers. Dykes
on Bikes, a mostly lesbian group, and Ladies
of Harley, a mostly heterosexual group, have demonstrated shared
experiences. Though the two cultures differ, both have a focus on female
bonding and motorcycles and have a shared female biker language. Their shared
language helps to establish their shared identity in a largely male-dominated
domain and to mark boundaries between them and traditional femininity. (Speech
community or community of practice?)
Code-switching, can indicate which identity individuals want
to put forward as primary at a given time. Choices of language use among gay
men depend on the audience and context, and shift depending on situational needs such as the need to
demonstrate or conceal gay identity in a particular environment. Likewise,
lesbians may foreground lesbian identity in some contexts but not in others. “Exploratory switching” can be used to
determine whether an interlocutor shares the speaker's identity. For example, a
gay man might use certain key words and mannerisms generally known by the
community as a test to see whether they are recognized by the interlocutor.
This allows the gay man to establish solidarity with a community member
previously unknown to him without having to disclose his orientation to a
heterosexual and potentially hostile person. However, inconsistency of language
use between different sub-groups of the LGBTQ community, along with the
existence of non-members who may be familiar with a gay mode of speech, can
make such exploratory switching unreliable. (Non-gays are part of gay speech
communities!)
People may also switch use code-switching to comment on
society or for entertainment. Black drag
performers often use stereotypical “female white English” to disrupt
societal assumptions about gender and ethnicity and to express criticisms of
these assumptions. Imitations do not necessarily represent actual language use
of a group, but rather the generally recognized stereotypical speech of that
group. In the language of drag performers, language play is also marked by
juxtaposition of contradictory aspects such as very proper language mixed with
obscenities, adding to the queens' and kings' deliberate disruption of cultural
and linguistic norms.
Rusty Barrett suggests that the idea of the homogeneous
speech community could perhaps be more accurately replaced by one of a queer
community based on community spirit or a queer cultural system, since language
use varies so greatly. Kulick proposes, instead of studying speech communities
that he concludes "do not and cannot exist" because of methodological
problems, researchers should study "language
and desire" through examining repression in the context of
linguistics, considering both what is said and what is not or cannot be said.
Kulick addresses the need for consideration of the role of sexuality in sexual
identity, unlike some lavender linguists who neglect sexuality in favor of
linguistic features that might be more likely than sexuality to legitimize gay
identity.
- Gay male speech
patterns & Comparison to female
speech
Gay speech has stereotypically been thought of as resembling
women’s speech. In her work Language and
Woman’s Place, Robin Lakoff not only compares gay male speech with women’s
speech traits, but she also claims that gay men deliberately imitate these
traits. According to Lakoff, stereotypical gay male speech takes on the
characteristics of women’s speech including an increased use of superlatives,
inflected intonation, and lisping. Later linguists have reevaluated Lakoff's
claims and concluded that these
characterizations are not consistent for women, but rather reflect common
beliefs about how women speak.
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- Traits believed to
characterize the speech of gay men
Robert J. Podesva, Sarah J. Roberts, and Kathryn
Campbell-Kibler have studied differences in gay male speech by examining the
following traits in their study, Sharing Resources and Indexing Meanings in the
Production of Gay Styles:
Duration of /æ/, /eɪ/
Duration of onset
/s/, /l/
Fundamental frequency
(f0) properties (max, min, range, and value at vowel midpoint) of stressed
vowels
Voice-onset time
(VOT) of voiceless aspirated consonants
Release of word-final
stops
While the researchers
found some correlation between these speech traits and sexual orientation, they
clarify that these traits characterize only one of the many speech styles used
by gay men.
Distinguishing characteristics of lesbian speech are much
debated however, in experiments, self-identified lesbians tended to speak at a
lower fundamental frequency, and with lower pitch variation than did self-identified
heterosexual women.
Robin Queen argues that analyses have been too simplistic.
She suggests that a uniquely lesbian language is constructed through the
combination of sometimes-conflicting stylistic tropes: stereotypical women's
language (e.g. hypercorrect grammar), stereotypical nonstandard forms
associated with the (male) working class (e.g. contractions), stereotypical gay
male lexical items, and stereotypical lesbian language (e.g. flat intonation,
cursing).
Sometimes lesbians deliberately avoid stereotypical female
speech, according to Queen, in order to distance themselves from
"normative" heterosexual female speech patterns. Clothing and physical mannerisms, however, are seen as more likely
indicators of a woman's sexual orientation. Because femininity is a marked
style, adopting it is more noticeable than avoiding it, which may add to the
lack of socially salient styles for lesbians in contrast with socially
identifiable stereotypically gay male speech styles.
- Transgender speech
patterns
Transgender people, or people whose gender identity does not
match their assigned sex at birth, often develop distinctive speech patterns as
they transition out of their assigned sex and into their real gender.
Transgender-specific speech patterns that are gender
non-specific include "decoupl[ing] the specific corporeal characteristics
of [genitals] from the masculinity [or femininity] entailed by words like dick
[or other terms for genitals].” Referring to genitals as a transgender person
requires a suspension of the gendered reality of traditional Eurocentric
anatomical standards; describing clitorises as 'cocks,' vaginas as 'front
holes,' penises as 'girl dicks' or 'clits' both subverts societal expectations
of the genitals themselves, and deconstructs the binarism of genital
descriptions. This in turn helps normalize intersex experiences, as genital,
reproductive, endocrine, and secondary sexual characteristics do not always
follow binary, easily categorizable rules, and blurring the line between "vagina"
and "penis" both allows transgender individuals to describe
themselves more comfortably and validly and intersex individuals to make their
own decisions about intersex surgery, or genital reconstructive surgery, as
consenting adults and to be more visible and accepted in medical and social
communities as non-conforming to binary sex descriptors.
- Multiplicity of
social identity
Identities emerge in a time series of social practice,
through the combined effects of structure and agency. Because social identities
are not static, the speech community model, which was traditionally employed as
a sociolinguistic framework in the study of language and gender, is not as
reliable as the community of practice
model, the new framework emerged from practice theory. Also, because social
identities are not static, speech styles are actively subject to change, such
that one's speech styles have different social meanings across time. Similarly,
it is possible for an individual to engage in multiple identity practices
simultaneously, and move from one identity to another unconsciously and
automatically, and thus the term polyphonous
identity. An individual's speech styles can change not only across time,
but also across space, depending on which social identity the individual is
attempting to engage in under a given situation.
- Examples of
non-Western sexual identities and their language use
According to many language scholars, it is misleading to
assume that all sex and gender roles are the same as those that are salient
within Western society or that the linguistic styles associated with given
groups will be like the styles associated with similarly identified Western
groups.
Bakla
Baklas are homosexual Filipino men, but the concept of bakla
identity does not map cleanly to Western male homosexuality. With baklas, as
with other non-Western sexual minority groups, sexual identity is very closely
related to gender identity. Baklas often assume female attributes and dress
like women. They also use female terms for themselves and occasionally for
their body parts and are sometimes referred to and refer to themselves as not
being "real men".
Although they have contact with other gay cultures through
technology, bakla culture remains fairly distinct. They have their own rapidly
shifting linguistic code called Swardspeak, which is influenced by Spanish and
English loan words. This code mostly consists of lexical items, but also
includes sound changes such as [p] to [f]. Some baklas who move to the United
States continue to use this code, but others abandon it, regarding it as a
Filipino custom that is out of place abroad and replacing it with aspects of
American gay culture.
Hijras
Hijras are Indians who refer to themselves as neither man
nor woman. Some describe hijras as a "third sex". Their identity is
distinct from a Western gay or transgender identity, though many hijras have male
sexual partners. There is a distinctive mode of speech often attributed to
hijras, but it is stereotypical frequently derogatory. It is often the standard
for Hijras to adopt feminine mannerisms, feminine gender agreement when
addressing the self or other Hijaras, and pronouns, depending on context and
their interlocutors, to create solidarity or distance. They also use
stereotypically male elements of speech, such as vulgarity. Hijras often refer
to themselves as masculine in the past tense and females in the present. Their
combined use of masculine and feminine speech styles can be seen as reflecting
their ambiguous sexual identities and challenging dominant sexuality and gender
ideologies. Thus, hijras use grammar as a form of resistance against gender
roles.
DRAG GLOSSARY in Progress
Beating your face: To
apply the perfect amount of makeup on the face, resulting in a flawless look,
i.e., “her face is beat for the gods.”
Busted (adj.): the
act of appearing to be unkempt, messy, unrefined, unpolished, or poorly
presented.
Bye Felicia: An
expression used to dismiss someone. This person is usually irrelevant and
annoying. The term is a reference from the film Friday.
Camp (adj.) Exaggerated
comical presentation of femininity, sometimes presented as satire. Traditional
camp inspired by Hollywood idols (see Uber-Femme), as well as caricatures like
the drag queen Divine, in the movie Hairspray.
Clock (v.): (a) To
spot what someone is trying to hide; (b) to call out a person’s flaws; (c) to
uncover or reveal the truth in a situation. For example, “You cannot clock that
mug,” or “Phi Phi clocked Willam for his five o’clock shadow.”
Condragulations: The
drag queen version of “congratulations.”
Death drop (n.):
A fall, drop, or descent backward onto one’s back with one’s leg folded
underneath, in dramatic style. Usually part of a dance routine. This move is
part of the voguing style of dance.
Dick Van Dyke (n.) A
Lesbian who is so butch, she might as well be a man (insulting) As in: Is that
a guy? No, she's a dick van dyke. Antonym: Uber femme
Drag daughter (n.): See Drag mother.*
Drag mother (n.):
Also drag daughter, drag family. An experienced drag performer who acts as
a mentor and guide to someone who wants to learn the art of drag. Often, the
new drag queen, who is referred to as the drag mother’s drag daughter, takes
the last name of her drag mother to pay homage to her. A drag family is made up
of a drag mother and all of her drag daughters.*
Drag Family (n.)
see Drag mother*
*There is sub-cultural variation here, as drag queens of
color tend to define their drag families and drag family members as having real
and full fictive kin relationships, these can include people that are not drag
queens but are important in the culture: costumers, choreographers, those that
support the lifestyle (the person that took me off the streets, that taught me
how to be a gay man, that showed me how to be a proud black man, my real
family, the people that are there for me, the girls I take care of, etc.)
Dusted (adj.): The
act of looking polished, flawless, or perfect. The opposite of “busted.”
Feeling the fantasy: The
giddy feeling you get when you absolutely love what you are doing in a
particular moment.
Fishy (adl./adv.): A term used to describe a drag queen
who looks extremely feminine or one who convincingly resembles a biological
woman. The term refers to the supposed scent of a woman’s vagina, which is
colloquially likened to the smell of fish. (As feminists, we don’t love this
word, but drag doesn’t take itself seriously, so we shouldn’t either. Besides,
fish is healthy and delicious.)
For the gods (adv.): Abbreviated
use of the phrase “fit for the gods,” used to qualify an act done perfectly or
flawlessly—e.g., (a) “Her face is painted for the gods,” (b) “That dress is
clinging to her like a second skin because it is tailored for the gods.”
Gag (v.): To
react intensely, usually as a result of shock; may also be used as an
exclamation—e.g., “I am gagging on that three-foot-high wig!”
Giving me life: A
phrase that shows how much you enjoy something.
The house down: Another
term used for an exclamation point at the end of a sentence to indicate how
extra fabulous something is—e.g., “Kennedy is dancing the house down.” Another
usage is the house-down boots.
Hunty (n.): A
contraction of the terms “honey” and “cunt,” used as a term of endearment among
drag queens.
Kai kai (n.): The
circumstance in which two drag queens engage in sexual activity in drag. Not to
be confused with kiki.
Kiki (n.): A term
used for gossip, small talk, chatting, or a heart-to-heart.
Let them have it!: A
phrase that refers to impressing people with your fabulous drag.
The library is open: A
phrase announcing that a queen is about to share some criticisms about another
person or queen. These criticisms are known as reads. See Reading.
Mug (n.): A
queen’s face.
No tea, no shade: A
phrase meaning “No disrespect.”
Paint (v.): To
apply makeup to one’s face—e.g., “It takes two hours to paint my mug.”
Reading (v.): To
wittily and incisively expose a person’s flaws (e.g., “read them like a book”),
or exaggerating or elaborating on them; an advanced form of the insult. Another
usage is to read someone to filth, which just means that you are being extra
nasty with your insults.**
**"Reading" usually comments on and critiques
someone by their unacceptable appearance or behavior: how fat they are, how
they smell, or how promiscuous they are- categories by which women and their
sexuality are policed; revealing male-dominated, hetero-normative cultural
practices.
Realness (n.): A
likeness that is deemed to be as close as possible to a specific category or
genre—e.g., “She is serving warrior princess realness.”
Serve (v.): To
present oneself in a certain way. See Realness.
Shade (n.): The
casting of aspersions. A form of insult. Subtly pointing out a person’s aws or
faults. Derived from the term “reading”—e.g., “I don’t tell you you’re ugly,
but I don’t have to tell you because you know you’re ugly,” a quote from the
movie Paris is Burning
Shady (adj.): Possessing
a blunt and insulting manner.
Sickening (adj.): Incredibly
amazing; excessively hot.
Slay (v.): To
achieve something spectacular. Sometimes also written as slay the children with
the same meaning.
Tea (n.): A
back-formation from the letter T for “truth”; refers to gossip, news, information,
or true facts, e.g., “What’s the tea?”
Throwing shade: The
act of criticism delivered in a blunt and insulting manner, e.g., “Tyra was
throwing shade at the other queens on the show.”
Tuck (v.): To
arrange one’s male genitalia in a way that they are not visible so that one
resembles a woman; (n.) the result of a man containing his genitalia (typically
with duct tape and multiple pairs of pantyhose) so that they are not visible.
Turn the party: To
captivate, enthrall, and overwhelm an audience with one’s fabulosity.
Uber-Femme (n.) Exaggerated
femine portrayal usually associated with Hollywood icons like Greta Garbo, Joan
Crawford, Marlene Dietrich. Also a term for an extremely flamboyant homosexual.
Antonym: Dick Van Dyke.
Werk (v.): (a) A
term meaning to “work your body”; (b) to strut, especially on the runway; (c)
to give an outstanding presentation.
